You have the right to spend billions in the public sphere, silencing the voices of individual Americans. Anything you can say or do politically to further your private corporate interests cannot be used against you in a court of law. We know you can afford an attorney, but you don’t need one. Don’t bother trying to understand your corporate rights. They are limitless.
– Supreme Court’s New Miranda Blessing for Corporations
NYU law professor Barry Friedman and journalist Dahlia Lithwick suggest that the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission is as tone-deaf to the times as the old Warren Court’s 1966 opinion in Miranda v. Arizona. In case you forgot, that’s the decision that required the so-called Miranda warning.
Immediately after the Miranda ruling, conservatives, exploiting Americans alarm at recent urban riots, blamed the liberal Court for increases in crime and lawlessness. The rest is history. Richard Nixon, campaigning in 1968, said Miranda (and another opinion, in Escobedo v. Illinois, which gave suspects the right to counsel), “had the effect of seriously hamstringing the peace forces in our society and strengthening the criminal forces.” In 1969, Seymour Martin Lipset published a molotov cocktail of an article in Atlantic, “Why Cops Hate Liberals and Vice Versa.”
In TV and film, Miranda became code for corrupt government, government that coddled criminals and left Polly and the rest of us tied to the railroad tracks of runaway crime. The St. James Encyclopedia of Pop Culture sums it the impact on our cultural narratives:
Movies, television police dramas, and “real” cop shows, have done much to inform the public of the protection offered by the Miranda warning. Tom Hanks even delivered a (mercifully abbreviated) rap version of the warning in the 1987 movie Dragnet.
Clint Eastwood’s Dirty Harry and Charles Bronson’s Death Wish are just a couple of the films that exploited Americans’ fear of crime by creating a context of corrupt or hapless or hamstrung police and criminal-coddling liberals. Only vigilantes had balls big enough to shoot first. Miranda might be the name of a dancer they knew.
Friedman and Lithwick suggest the Court’s misstep in Citizens, from a public reaction point of view, might prove just as tone-deaf.
All this bad timing brings to mind another one of history’s great Supreme Court train wrecks, Miranda v. Arizona. You know that one—the Warren Court’s ruling in 1966 requiring police officers to read suspects their rights. Until Miranda, the Warren Court’s adventures in protecting suspects’ and defendants’ rights had gone down with surprising ease: Race was implicated in it all, and people were generally supportive of the court’s efforts to make the criminal justice system more fair. But by the time a 5-4 court handed down Miranda, things had changed. Crime rates had soared. Fear of the violent streets had replaced a fading Communist threat. Members of Congress were treated to a chart tying each and every jump in the crime rate to a new Warren Court decision coddling criminals. Nixon ran against the Warren Court and won. Soon it was the Burger Court.
Popular culture is not short on corporate corruption melodrama. Wall Street is today about as popular as the televised rioters were in Sixties. We’re not afraid Wall Street swells will assault us in our homes. We’ve already lost our homes to Wall Street. So, I think it’s a good bet that the right wing Roberts Court may have just had its Miranda moment.
This shouldn’t be lost on progressive strategists. The Court just ruled that even foreign corporations can spend what they want to influence the outcome of American elections. This is one of those issues with so much resonance with our cultural narratives that we ignore it at our peril. Republican defenders of the decision, like Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnel, R-Ky, had better look out. McConnell said the decision:
protects [corporations'] right to express themselves about political candidates and issues up until Election Day.
The Court really has constructed a Miranda Blessing for corporations.
Americans are angry because they feel powerless. Their economic circumstances are out of their control. They see that the Wall Street architects of the Great Recession have made off like bandits, stealing away with the hard-earned savings and the tax dollars of hard-working Americans. They are looking for a hero to set it right.
Paraphrasing Dirty Harry, Go ahead John Roberts, Rush Limbaugh, Mitch McConnell, Newt Gingrich, John Boehner et al. Make my day.

You have the right to spend billions in the public sphere, silencing the voices of individual Americans. Anything you can say or do politically to further your private corporate interests cannot be used against you in a court of law. We know you can afford an attorney, but you don’t need one. Don’t bother trying to understand your corporate rights. They are limitless.